When Barbra Streisand sends Dick Gephardt a personal fax, it makes headline news. When international relations expert Sean Penn leads his own "tour of peace" in Baghdad, every news desk across the country reports it. It's no secret that Hollywood has a leftward tilt when it comes to politics. But what the celebrity-fawning media fail to show is how Hollywood's liberal bias affects actors, movies, and even public policy.

In Tales from the Left Coast, author and political commentator James Hirsen digs deep into the liberal underbelly of Hollywood to reveal how biased politics have corrupted the entire entertainment industry. Through extensive research and scores of interviews, Hirsen uncovers some of the most ridiculous, infuriating, and damning political stunts pulled by celebrities of yesterday and today, and he traces the tangled web of influence the Hollywood elite have over politicians in Washington, D.C.


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Can a country be like a marriage that has run out of cash and steam, resulting in the inevitable frank discussions about just who is pulling his or her own weight? Eventually, even those who love each other sometimes conclude they cannot stay together.

Juan Enriquez's unique insights into the financial, political, and cultural issues we face will provoke shock and surprise and lead you to ask the question no one has yet put on the table: Could "becoming untied" ever happen here? It's a question made especially relevant when we are faced with such unpromising facts as:

- At no other time have we had the unwelcome convergence in which the three key sectors of business, government, and consumers are so tapped out due to debt that each lacks the financial wherewithal to come to the rescue of the others.

- Most assets are not being used for productive purposes but for speculation, resulting in people lacking incentives to create real wealth, focusing instead on buying, selling, and flipping real estate.

- As religion starts to mix with politics, we have a culture that allows us to fall behind what were previously third world nations, because we are now treating science the way we did sex in the 1950s, banning or burying evolution theories and research into promising lifesaving areas such as stem-cell research.

When the enemy was outside--for example, the threat perceived when the Soviet Union launched Sputnik and people feared America wouldlose the brain race--we rallied. Now the enemy is within, and we polarize. Defaming the legitimacy of people on the "other" side becomes the currency of the day, where people in blue states are seen as godless liberal elitists and those in red states are seen as, well, rednecks.

Citizenship, Enriquez says, is like buying into a national brand. If the brand promises one thing and delivers another, could it then have the same fate as a tired product on a supermarket shelf, eroding, losing support, even disappearing? Countries, even one as powerful and successful as America, live on fault lines. When a fault line splits, it's near impossible to put things back together again. What America will look like in fifty years depends on what we do today to act on the issues raised in The Untied States of America.


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Half a century after brave Americans took to the streets to raise the bar of opportunity for all races, Juan Williams writes that too many black Americans are in crisis--caught in a twisted hip-hop culture, dropping out of school, ending up in jail, having babies when they are not ready to be parents, and falling to the bottom in twenty-first-century global economic competition.

In Enough, Juan Williams issues a lucid, impassioned clarion call to do the right thing now, before we travel so far off the glorious path set by generations of civil rights heroes that there can be no more reaching back to offer a hand and rescue those being left behind.

Inspired by Bill Cosby's now famous speech at the NAACP gala celebrating the fiftieth anniversary of the Brown decision integrating schools, Williams makes the case that while there is still racism, it is way past time for black Americans to open their eyes to the "culture of failure" that exists within their community. He raises the banner of proud black traditional values--self-help, strong families, and belief in God--that sustained black people through generations of oppression and flowered in the exhilarating promise of the modern civil rights movement. Williams asks what happened to keeping our eyes on the prize by proving the case for equality with black excellence and achievement.

He takes particular aim at prominent black leaders--from Al Sharpton to Jesse Jackson to Marion Barry. Williams exposs the call for reparations as an act of futility, a detour into self-pity; he condemns the "Stop Snitching" campaign as nothing more than a surrender to criminals; and he decries the glorification of materialism, misogyny, and murder as a corruption of a rich black culture, a tragic turn into pornographic excess that is hurting young black minds, especially among the poor.

Reinforcing his incisive observations with solid research and alarming statistical data, Williams offers a concrete plan for overcoming the obstacles that now stand in the way of African Americans' full participation in the nation's freedom and prosperity. Certain to be widely discussed and vehemently debated, Enough is a bold, perceptive, solution-based look at African American life, culture, and politics today.


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Oil on the Brain is a smart, surprisingly funny account of the oil industry--the people, economies, and pipelines that bring us petroleum, brilliantly illuminating a world we encounter every day.

Americans buy ten thousand gallons of gasoline a second, without giving it much of a thought. Where does all this gas come from? Lisa Margonelli's desire to learn took her on a one-hundred thousand mile journey from her local gas station to oil fields half a world away. In search of the truth behind the myths, she wriggled her way into some of the most off-limits places on earth: the Strategic Petroleum Reserve, the New York Mercantile Exchange's crude oil market, oil fields from Venezuela, to Texas, to Chad, and even an Iranian oil platform where the United States fought a forgotten one-day battle.

In a story by turns surreal and alarming, Margonelli meets lonely workers on a Texas drilling rig, an oil analyst who almost gave birth on the NYMEX trading floor, Chadian villagers who are said to wander the oil fields in the guise of lions, a Nigerian warlord who changed the world price of oil with a single cell phone call, and Shanghai bureaucrats who dream of creating a new Detroit.

Deftly piecing together the mammoth economy of oil, Margonelli finds a series of stark warning signs for American drivers.

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"The American flag stands for hatred, warmongering, and imperialism."
"Our free-market system is responsible for killing and oppressing millions of people."
"This country breeds racists and sexists."
Is America really that bad? It is if you accept the lies and propaganda from the anti-American Left in our own country. This dismal, distorted view of the greatest, freest nation in history comes from a Left who would rather idolize Ho Chi Minh and Fidel Castro than honor George Washington and Thomas Jefferson, who burn down businesses and destroy property to protest free markets, and who fight alongside radical terrorists rather than against them. They trample the Constitution while hiding behind the First Amendment, and their idea of displaying the American flag is setting it on fire and parading it through the streets. Yes, this is a Left comprised of people who truly hate their country, and they will stop at nothing to tear her down--smashing our liberty in the process.
Why the Left Hates America punches a hole right through the thin veneer of political correctness that has long protected these anti-Americans--exposing their rotting, vacuous core. Author and commentator Daniel J. Flynn digs deep into the American Left and reveals why they blame every bad deed in the world on the United States, while ignoring her myriad contributions.
This book cogently points out that, of course, all Americans have the right to speak their minds. But, all too often, th actions by the anti-American Left become destructive and anarchistic. You need not look any further than the explosive 1999 World Trade Organization "protests" in Seattle, campus book burnings, or even John Walker Lindh to see that factions on the Left are the worst perpetrators of anti-Americanism. And what may be most shocking is that many of these anti-Americans are at the same time teachers, professors, journalists, news reporters, and even judges and politicians.
Probing and controversial--without devolving into jingoism--this book proves once and for all that what you see in the news and learn in school is often tainted by the anti-American Left, and it shows you what you can do to keep them at bay.


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Could Al Franken and his leftwing cronies possibly be right? Is liberal media bias just a myth propagated by conservatives, and have the mainstream media actually swung to the right?

Absolutely not.

In the new book Weapons of Mass Distortion, L. Brent Bozell III—founder and president of the Media Research Center, America’s largest and most respected media watchdog organization—presents the definitive account of how liberal bias in the news industry is alive and well.

But here’s the thing: The liberal media are headed for a downfall. Bozell demonstrates how their monopoly on information is at last coming to an end, in large part because journalists continue to deny the bias that infects their news coverage. His unrivaled expertise allows him to show readers exactly how the media landscape is changing—and to expose the even bigger changes that are coming.

Marshaling an astonishing amount of evidence, Bozell documents exactly how the news media deliberately attempt to set the national agenda through their slanted coverage. In the process he destroys the arguments that Franken and many other leftwing commentators have put forward regarding media bias.

Weapons of Mass Distortion also reveals:

• How the liberal media’s slanted coverage of President George W. Bush will play a huge role in the 2004 elections
• Why liberals’ claims about the influence of Fox News and th “conservative media” are wrong—and deliberately misleading
• How the mainstream press has waged war on the war on terrorism
• Neverbeforetold stories of how leading journalists, behind the scenes, betray the liberal bias they so forcefully deny in public—incidents that Bozell has witnessed firsthand
• How the same journalists who condemn the Right for “hate speech” regularly launch (and get away with) vicious personal attacks on conservatives
• Clear evidence that the major news outlets are hemorrhaging viewers, readers, and listeners precisely because of their liberal bias

By dominating the news media for so long, liberals have been able to control what we see and hear. But as Bozell makes clear, the Left will lose that control soon enough.


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Can this country survive another Clinton presidency? Two terms of "Slick Willy" were bad enough. Now, numerous political experts and people close to the Clinton family hint that Hillary is plotting to retake the White House and ring in another four--or eight--years of a Clinton as commander in chief.

She denies any presidential bid is in the works. But a few years before she entered the Senate race, Hillary claimed she would never run for any elective office whatsoever.

In shocking detail, Hillary's Scheme confirms the worst fear of tens of millions of Americans: that Hillary Clinton indeed plans to run for president within the next few years. This explosive, behind-the-scenes book by investigative journalist Carl Limbacher blows the lid off the New York senator's plans for a grand political coup, something she has been carefully and quietly plotting for more than 20 years. Limbacher conducted extensive research into Hillary's past and secured exclusive interviews with Clinton insiders--and even questioned Hillary herself--to bring you the real story. What he uncovers are the truly juicy morsels, the backroom deals, and the insider wrangling around Hillary's presidential ambitions that aren't being reported in the mainstream press. If you love to hate Hillary or are just curious about one of America's most controversial figures, there's plenty in this book to get your blood boiling. You'll discover the answers to questions Hillary is unwilling to addres in public, including:

Why is she not likely to wait until 2008 to enter the race for president?

How did she torpedo Al Gore's chances for a rematch with President Bush?

Where are the millions of dollars she's supposedly raising for the Democratic Party really going?

Why does she dodge tough questions about her husband's abysmal record on fighting international terrorism?

And many, many more!

If you don't think that Hillary Clinton has a fighting chance to win the presidency, you must read this book. With startling prescience, Limbacher draws parallels between today's political environment and that which existed in 1992--the year George H. W. Bush lost the race to an upstart governor from Arkansas. You don't need to be a member of the "vast right-wing conspiracy" or even a Republican to be concerned about what Hillary in the White House would mean for the presidency, the Constitution, and America as we know it.


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In The Naked Crowd, acclaimed author Jeffrey Rosen makes an impassioned argument about how to preserve freedom, privacy, and security in a post9/11 world. How we use emerging technologies, he insists, will be crucial to the preservation of essential American ideals.

In our zeal to catch terrorists and prevent future catastrophic events, we are going too far—largely because of irrational fears—and violating essential American freedoms. That’s the contention at the center of this persuasive new polemic by Jeffrey Rosen, legal affairs editor of The New Republic, which builds on his awardwinning book The Unwanted Gaze.

Through wideranging reportage and cultural analysis, Rosen argues that it is possible to strike an effective and reasonable balance between liberty and security. Traveling from England to Silicon Valley, he offers a penetrating account of why welldesigned laws and technologies have not always been adopted. Drawing on a broad range of sources—from the psychology of fear to the latest Code Orange alerts and airport security technologies—he also explores the reasons that the public, the legislatures, the courts, and technologists have made feelgood choices that give us the illusion of safety without actually making us safer. He describes the dangers of implementing poorly thought out technologies that can make us less free while distracting our attention from responses to terrorism that might work.
Rosen also considers the social and technological reasons that the riskaverse democracies of the West continue to demand everincreasing levels of personal exposure in a search for an illusory and emotional feeling of security. In Web logs, chat rooms, and reality TV shows, an increasing number of citizens clutter the public sphere with private revelations best kept to themselves. The result is the peculiar ordeal of living in the Naked Crowd, in which few aspects of our lives are immune from public scrutiny. With vivid prose and persuasive analysis, The Naked Crowd is both an urgent warning about the choices we face in responding to legitimate fears of terror and a vision for a better future.


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In The Lessons of Terror, novelist and military historian Caleb Carr examines terrorism throughout history and the roots of our present crisis and reaches a provocative set of conclusions: the practice of targeting enemy civilians is as old as warfare itself; it has always failed as a military and political tactic; and despite the dramatic increases in its scope and range of weapons, it will continue to fail in the future.

International terrorismyes'>#8212;the victimization of unarmed civilians in an attempt to affect their support for the government that leads themyes'>#8212;is a phrase with which Americans have become all too familiar recently. Yet while at first glance terrorism seems a relatively modern phenomenon, Carr illustrates that it has been a constant of military history. In ancient times, warring armies raped and slaughtered civilians and gratuitously destroyed property, homes, and cities; in the Middle Ages, evangelical Muslims and Christian crusaders spread their faiths by the sword; and in the early modern era, such celebrated kings as Louis XIV revealed a taste for victimizing noncombatants for political purposes.

It was during the Civil War that Americans themselves first engaged in yes'>#8220;total war,yes'>#8221; the most egregious of the many euphemisms for the tactics of terror. Under the leadership of such generals as Stonewall Jackson, the forces of the South tried to systematize this horrifying practice; but it fell to a Union gneral, William Tecumseh Sherman, to achieve that dubious goal. Carr recounts Shermanyes'>#8217;s declaration of war on every man, woman, and child in the Southyes'>#8212;a policy that he himself knew was badly flawed, had nothing to do with his military successes (indeed, it hampered them), and brought longterm unrest to the American South by giving birth to the Ku Klux Klan.

Carryes'>#8217;s exploration of terror reveals its consistently selfdefeating nature. Far from prompting submission, Carr argues, terrorism stiffens enemy resolve: for this reason above all, terrorism has never achievedyes'>#8212;nor will it ever achieveyes'>#8212;longterm success, however physically destructive and psychologically debilitating it may become. With commanding authority and the storytelleryes'>#8217;s gift for which he is renowned, Caleb Carr provides a critical historical context for understanding terrorist acts today, arguing that terrorism will be eradicated only when it is perceived as a tactic that brings nothing save defeat to its agents....

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Few writers can match journalist Donald Katzyes'>#8217;s ability to make an exotic locale familiar or transform an ordinary place into something peculiar if not completely weird. The Valley of the Fallen and Other Places gathers a pastiche of stories from around the world, each of which subtly underlines the relationship between geography and politics. Locations, counties, regions of the world emerge as characters in Katzyes'>#8217;s panoramic castyes'>#8211;as fully drawn as the unusual people that occupy themyes'>#8211;so that one realizes of each particular account, that this could only happen in a place like this.

The setting for each of these piecesyes'>#8211;whether home or abroadyes'>#8211;provides a resonant backdrop for Katzyes'>#8217;s startling perceptions and cultural acumen. He paints a portrait of Spain in which people are dying of political repression and vividly depicts Italy in the throes of a postwar capitalist hangover. Katz describes Arkansas, its history of racial strife notwithstanding, as an yes'>#8220;American cultural arkyes'>#8221; where respect for oldfashioned gumption and the tolerance for human eccentricity have fostered a renaissance of spirit. He captures the poignant ruin of political ideals gone amuck in the image of columns of Ethiopian children being herded through the night at gunpoint, undergoing political reeducation. Katzyes'>#8217;s observations of the Sinai, where yes'>#8220;beliefs, convictions, even hunches become holing zeal,yes'>#8221; contrast with Santa Feyes'>#8217;s yes'>#8220;philosophical cogitating and qualityoflife improvement projectsyes'>#8221; in a New Age mecca that breeds tamer but equally fervent faiths.

The cumulative effect of reading this eclectic collection is one of wonder about the mysterious and dazzling world in which we live, and the way our lives are shaped by our place in it.

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